Short Essay Two

            When it comes to the legacy of African culture in the New World, Thornton's argument about its transmission finds both support and contradiction within documents contained in the text, Afro-Latino Voices.  Two situations come to mind where Africans had, in a sense, abandoned their old culture in order to uphold a new one to adapt to their new environment to an advantage.  The shipwreck community at Esmeraldas and the mining community at El Cobre, were able to adapt to the colonial authority's culture over time and when conflict eventually ensued, they were able to enter negotiations with Spain.  Had those two communities adhered to Thornton's argument that Africans (especially maroon communities), that were self-sustaining, re-established African culture in the New World, they may not have been on the same 'cultural playing field' as the Spanish.  However, the brotherhood in Rio de Janeiro fully supports Thornton's argument about the cultural organizations that were established in order to help out one another and also maintain their cultural identity.

            Thornton argues that when maroon communities, or the rare occasion of shipwreck communities establish themselves, that Africans would "look to the social institutions of their homeland for reconstructing their society." (Thornton, 290) Although this may be true that some of those communities did revert to the old world, the case of Esmeraldas demonstrates a shipwreck community that was able to "involve themselves in dynamic relationships with their environment, native societies, and colonial authorities, and that their social order developed mainly out of contingencies largely beyond their control." (McKnight and Garofalo, 30)  There came a time when Spain was deciding to conquer the area, and Illescas wrote a letter to the King indicating the community's "desire and willingness to join in union with the Church and the Royal Crown."  (McKnight and Garofalo, 35)  Illescas also made clear that, given the opportunity, he could solve Spain's problem peacefully while at the same time spread Christianity to the natives.  Illescas was "well-versed in Spanish language, customs, and culture"  (McKnight and Garofalo, 32)  and if he had not written to the Crown, he may not have attained such a diplomatic victory for the Maroon community at Esmeraldas.  This community proved that sharing the colonial culture allowed Africans to negotiate successfully with the high authority, whereas maintaining their original African culture may have hindered their achievement. 

            The situation at El Cobre offers another example of a self sustaining slave community that grew to eventually see themselves as "vassals of His Majesty at their own cost and expense."  (McKnight and Garofalo, 137)  Once the Crown took this mining community as their own, these royal slaves were not only able to petition about a problem that eventually arose with the heirs of the mine and mistreatment, but also able to send one of their own to Spain (Osorio), who claimed to speak with the King himself.  The community at El Cobre made clear of their cultural ties in their letters, specifically mentioning religious and military obligations to Spain.  The circumstance at El Cobre offers a counter-argument to Thornton's notion that self-sustaining slave communities and families transmitted their African culture to new generations.  He states that "some owners allowed slaves to build a community and encouraged family formation,"  (Thornton, 169) and in turn would be able to maintain their culture.  It is interesting to note, that a "free" community that was self-reliant, still developed ties to a Spanish cultural identity, such as that at El Cobre.  This adaptation into a new culture allowed them to communicate with Spain in a liberal sense, in order to discuss problems they were having in their community. 

            Thornton mentions national organizations that "preserved African culture and political ideas."  (Thornton, 303)  The Confraternity of Saints Elesbão and Iphigenia in Rio de Janeiro is a prime example of one such organization.  This particular confraternity is a prime example that the formation of these groups even adhered to the regional cultural differences that existed in Africa.   The organizations were ethnically divided so much so that "Different nations distinguished themselves with different clothing, hairstyles, and even scarification, and, in many cases, they would retain the language, foods, and devotional practices of their remembered homelands."  (McKnight and Garofalo, 240)  Most importantly, the specific example of the Confraternity in Rio de Janeiro offers insight into the precise reasons these organizations formed.  Some of the various charitable services they offered include; financial help for the sick, collections to assist in buying freedom for slaves, and assistance in funeral arrangements (McKnight and Garofalo, 259-263). 

            Afro-Latino Voices contains documents that both support and offer contradictions to Thornton's argument about the transmission of African culture to the New World.  Some of the cases are rare, however they provide interesting comparative material to Thornton's idea of the legacy of African culture. 

McKnight, K. J., & Garofalo, L. J. (2009). Afro-Latino Voices. Indianapolis : Hackett Publishing Company, Inc.

Thornton, J. (1998). Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.