Discussion
on the Explanatory Causes of Mortality Rate Fluctuations During the Atlantic Slave
Trade
a Bibliographic Review
Eltis,
David. "Mortality and Voyage Length in the Middle Passage: New Evidence
from the Nineteenth Century."
The Journal of Economic History,
Vol. 44, No. 2, The Tasks of Economic
History (Jun., 1984), pp. 301-308.
Garland, Charles., and Klein,
Herbert S. "The Allotment of Space
for Slaves aboard Eighteenth- Century
British Slave Ships." The
William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1985), pp. 238-248.
Jensen, Richard A., and Steckel,
Richard H. "New Evidence on the
Causes of Slave and Crew Mortality in
the Atlantic Slave Trade." The
Journal of Economic History, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Mar., 1986), pp. 57-77.
Miller, Joseph C. "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade:
Statistical Evidence on Causality."
The Journal of
Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Winter, 1981), pp. 385-423.
Mustakeem, Sowande. "I Never Have Such a Sickly Ship Before:
Diet, Disease, and Mortality in
18th-century Atlantic Slaving Voyages."
Journal of African American History, Vol. 93, Issue 4 (Fall 2008), pp. 474-496.
Rediker, Marcus. The Slave Ship. New York: Penguin Group, 2008. Kindle Edition.
The
Atlantic Slave Trade is a highly controversial topic, and represents one of
mankind's darkest times. The entirety of
the institution of the slave trade was so inherently evil, it was the cause of
its own abolition. The horrifying
conditions on board the ships epitomized inhumanity, and sparked abolitionist
involvement through gradual changes leading up to the trade's ultimate
illegality. Although laws such as Dolben's
Act of 1788 were meant to decrease mortality rates amongst the vessels, studies
continue to clash with each other on what exactly was the leading cause of the
variations found within the death rates.
In most cases of discussion on the topic, statistics are heavily relied
upon, but to what avail? These numbers
can be interpreted and manipulated in a
variety of ways, adding confusion to the multitude of data that some may already
consider inaccurate and unreliable. My
aim of this discussion is to reveal the various concepts surrounding the explanations
within the variations of mortality rates, and to ultimately leave the reader
with the implication that it was the evil nature of the slave trade (especially
human involvement), which caused such unpredictable variations within the death
toll.
"The
high rates of mortality on slave ships greatly exceeded the customary
death
rates of populations on land, even considering those of the great
human
disasters such as the Black Death, the decimation of Native Amer-
icans
in the settlement of the Americas, and the Irish Famine, as well as
mortality
on other types of sea voyages, such as those carrying indentured
workers
and free migrants."[1]
As
numerical data surrounding mortality on slave ships became increasingly
available, many historians attempted to formulate an understanding to the
causation of these rates. There are a
few general ideas from the selected works that analyze specific causes of death
through a series of tables and mathematical formulas. For example, Eltis and Miller both explain
variations in the death rates through a complicated use of statistical
analysis, to eventually 'prove' that the leading factors will ultimately be
found within Africa itself. Steckel
& Jensen, along with Mustakeem argue in favor of 'tight-packing,' which may
have exacerbated the causes of death leading to higher mortality rates. Although many of the historians reviewed
refuse to attribute 'tight-packing' to increased death rates, interestingly enough,
Garland & Klein not only refute this concept, but constructed mathematical
equations which they then applied to slave ship data sets to invalidate the
'tight-packing' hypothesis. Found within
the work of Marcus Rediker, is a position where statistics could not possibly represent
the true nature of mortality rates.
Rediker offers firsthand accounts, and he paints a dramatic picture of
the horrible operations found on board a slave ship. Throughout his book, The Slave Ship, he puts names and stories to these numbers, adding
the unpredictability of human nature as an essential variable affecting the death
rates.
Through
two of the sources of fluctuation of death rates, the 'tight-packing'
hypothesis and lengthy voyage arguments, we can find countless additional 'sub'
variables which cause these situations to become deadlier. Some of these include: contagious diseases,
nutrition (or lack thereof), inadequate food/water quality/supply, and improper
medical care. While a few historians
argue that the conditions on the ships were the main focus, others mention
pre-existing conditions in Africa as a leading cause of death. Steckel & Jensen propose it was a type of
synergistic relationship between both the conditions in Africa prior to
departure and the horrific conditions on board the ships that led to mortality.[2]
Through
his work in Mortality and Voyage Length
in the Middle Passage: New Evidence from the Nineteenth Century, David
Eltis discusses the argument surrounding the importance and effect longer
voyages may have had on mortality rates.
It is interesting to note that Eltis even proposed an equation to define
the mortality rate simply as: "mortality = deaths/slaves embarked divided
by voyage length times 1000."[3] Eltis
manages to compose an arguably confusing table of data representing voyage
length and mortality based on region of embarkation. Eltis subtly mentions variations to the
causes of death, but focuses on the length of voyage and region of Africa the
ships left from throughout his article as being determining factors. He touches on the issue of 'tight-packing,'
but finds that to be inconclusive. "In
all cases, deaths per slaves embarked rose with voyage length, though the
amount of the variation in mortality explained is not large."[4] He
then concludes with a cold, broad determination through his confusing use of
statistical analysis, and lands on the assumption that the source of the
fluctuations in mortality rates must be found within Africa.[5] According to Eltis, if a ship left a region
within Africa containing high mortality, it then must explain that rate on
board the ship as well.
David
Eltis' conclusion is further strengthened by Joseph Miller in his work, Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade:
Statistical Evidence on Causality.
Miller coldly asserts that attributing higher death rates to lengthier
voyages is comparable to the "spoilage rates of apples, oranges, pears,
and whatever other fruit had come to hand."[6] His analogy implies that the conditions were
so detrimental in Africa, that the slaves had already begun to deteriorate. He then analyzes statistical data sets of
death rates based on region of embarkation and determines that "By
comparing death rates observed on voyages originating at differing times and at
different parts of the African coast, historians have launched quantitative
probes toward the African interior, where obscure hardships might have so damaged
the health of captives before they reached the ships that the slave died after
beginning their ocean passage."[7] This further solidifies his harsh
analogy. Miller firmly believes that the
issue lies within Africa. He also concludes
that because there was no increase of dying on board during the voyages, the problem
at hand must be contained within Africa.[8] Not only was there no increase of deaths
during the trips, Miller insists that the slaves died at decreasing rates the
longer they stayed at sea, except in the rare circumstances. "An unexpected pattern of slave
mortality rates that declined as time passed at sea, up to a limit apparently
set by the care that captains took to stock supplies of food and water adequate
to cover delays en route."[9] These circumstances
agree with Eltis, in that lengthy rare voyages in which provisions ran short,
the death rates would subsequently increase.[10] Miller
strongly relies on concrete statistical evidence to prove his arguments explaining
the variations in the death rates.
Steckel
& Jensen approach their beliefs as well using an interesting set of
statistical data. In their work, New Evidence on the Causes of Slave and Crew
Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade, they eventually conclude that the
main influences of the variations in the causes of death were a combination of
what was taking place inside of Africa and on board the ships as well. Through a series of charts that indicate persons
at risk of certain diseases and other causes of death (accidents, suicides,
insurrections), Steckel & Jensen impose that the death rates increased from
the time of boarding up until the middle of the voyage. "The pattern resembles the beginning, peak,
and end of an epidemic and points to crowding, poor sanitation, contaminated
food, and a poor diet as possible underlying causes."[11] They argue that laws such as Dolben's Act did
not have a decisive effect on mortality, although may have increased space for
provisions in certain circumstances.
Steckel & Jensen side strongly on the side of 'tight-packing' being
of paramount influence on mortality, once again pointing towards statistical
charts. "The chances of
gastrointestinal infection implied by the regression increased roughly tenfold
as the ships approached carrying capacity."[12] This type of infection was one of the leading
causes of death on the vessels.
Sowande Mustakeem takes the same position on 'tight-packing' as Steckel & Jensen, pointing towards the close quarter conditions being a large contributor to increased death rates. "Sickness and disease similarly prevailed, fostered by the incubation of contagious and often deadly illnesses that circulated and spread in the bowels of slaving vessels."[13] Mustakeem does not emphasize the use of statistics to indicate the differing causes of death. He approaches his position with specific causes of death, and concludes that confining the slaves together in such a way would exacerbate any such condition to the point of expiration. When comparing Mustakeem's work with those who rely on statistical analysis, he and along with Rediker, understand the unpredictable nature of human interference. "At the same time, violent and brutal treatment played a crucial role in captives' physical decline at sea, as did the limited medical resources and lack of extensive medical knowledge on the part of ship captains and crews."[14] In totality, Mustakeem insists on the negative effect of the ship's isolation, improper food to combat these deadly diseases, and most importantly the damaging conditions quickening death through overcrowding. His position on the causes of death are more reader friendly, as overwhelming graphs and representations are not used to argue his case.
Sowande Mustakeem takes the same position on 'tight-packing' as Steckel & Jensen, pointing towards the close quarter conditions being a large contributor to increased death rates. "Sickness and disease similarly prevailed, fostered by the incubation of contagious and often deadly illnesses that circulated and spread in the bowels of slaving vessels."[13] Mustakeem does not emphasize the use of statistics to indicate the differing causes of death. He approaches his position with specific causes of death, and concludes that confining the slaves together in such a way would exacerbate any such condition to the point of expiration. When comparing Mustakeem's work with those who rely on statistical analysis, he and along with Rediker, understand the unpredictable nature of human interference. "At the same time, violent and brutal treatment played a crucial role in captives' physical decline at sea, as did the limited medical resources and lack of extensive medical knowledge on the part of ship captains and crews."[14] In totality, Mustakeem insists on the negative effect of the ship's isolation, improper food to combat these deadly diseases, and most importantly the damaging conditions quickening death through overcrowding. His position on the causes of death are more reader friendly, as overwhelming graphs and representations are not used to argue his case.
Garland
& Klein attempt to use the powers of mathematical persuasion to prove
against the hypothesis of 'tight-packing' leading to higher mortality rates. Through a series of equations they formulated
and tested themselves, they concluded a
few things. The larger a ship was, does
not necessarily indicate more room for slaves, and most importantly, that their
equations invalidated the overcrowding debate.
They constructed several complicated formulas regarding ship space and
tonnage, and tested them against the Liverpool data set. "Some preliminary analysis of the
available data, using our formula for estimating space, shows that the internal
size of a ship and the number of persons placed on board do not correlate with
the rates of slave mortality."[15] It seems hard to believe that Garland &
Klein use their 'mathematical genius' to reach such a confident conclusion in
that "no matter what measure is used, the number of slaves taken on board,
in and of itself, did not relate to the mortality experienced by Africans on
the Middle Passage."[16]
Resorting
to statistics and their surgical analysis when discussing the variations on the
causes of death in the slave trade appears to be a popular choice. The
Slave Ship, written by Marcus Rediker, reveals almost everything in between
that statistics could not possibly indicate.
Through his visually graphic writing, Rediker proposes that the ship
itself was a floating dungeon, a breeding ground for death.[17] Throughout his work, Rediker gives insight
into personal accounts, and horrifying situations that occurred during the
Middle Passage. He depicts seemingly
endless causes of death on the vessels including: suicide, sharks, punishments,
insurrections, disease, accidents, mutiny.
Within these variables lies one of the most important factors of
mortality fluctuations, human involvement.
The unpredictability and varying degree of treatment of the slaves
relied on those responsible for the journey.
Rediker's work exposes multiple harsh conditions in vivid detail,
leading to an argument of this unknown variable.
Discussion
on the causes of the fluctuations found in the mortality rates during the slave
trade are approached through two different extremes. There is a side that utilizes the
illusiveness and 'infallibility' of statistics to prove their arguments, which
may lead to a puzzling debate as to what these numbers truly represent. On the other side, we can indicate specific
causes of death, and discuss the personal experiences and unhealthy conditions
on board the ships as to how and why there would be certain variations within the
mortality rates.
The
slave trade should be thought of as sadistic in its entirety. Not only was the human trade evil in its
origins and near impossible to fully comprehend using data sets, Rediker mentions
a problem when exploiting statistics to analyze death rates; "Unsworth
describes a 'violence of abstraction' that has plagued the study of the slave
trade from its beginning. It is as if
the use of ledgers, almanacs, balance sheets, graphs, and tables---the
merchants' comforting methods---has rendered abstract, and thereby dehumanized,
a reality that must, for moral and political reasons, be understood
concretely."[18] Through Rediker's striking accounts of human
behavior in their participation in the slave trade, one can propose that the randomness
of this human conduct could induce a consistent mysterious variable
dramatically affecting the rates of mortality on the slave ships that no
statistical explanation could possibly provide.
[1] Engerman, Stanley L., Haines, Robin., Klein,
Herbert S., and Shlomowitz, Ralph. "Transoceanic Mortality: The Slave Trade in Comparative
Perspective." The William and Mary Quarterly, Third
Series, Vol. 58, No. 1, New Perspectives on the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Jan., 2001), p 95.
[2] Jensen, Richard A., and Steckel, Richard
H. "New Evidence on the Causes of
Slave and Crew Mortality in the
Atlantic Slave Trade." The
Journal of Economic History, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Mar., 1986), p 73.
[3]
Eltis, 307
[4]
Eltis, 305
[5]
Eltis, 308
[6]
Miller, Joseph
C. "Mortality in the Atlantic Slave
Trade: Statistical Evidence on Causality."
The Journal of
Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Winter, 1981), p 392.
[7]
Miller, 387
[8]
Miller, 388
[9]
Miller 420
[10]
Miller, 397
[11] Jensen, Richard A., and Steckel,
Richard H. "New Evidence on the
Causes of Slave and Crew Mortality in
the Atlantic Slave Trade." The
Journal of Economic History, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Mar., 1986), p. 63.
[12]
Jensen & Steckel 66
[13] Mustakeem, Sowande. "I Never Have Such a Sickly Ship Before:
Diet, Disease, and Mortality in
18th-century Atlantic Slaving Voyages."
Journal of African American History, Vol. 93, Issue 4 (Fall 2008), p. 476.
[14]
Mustakeem 479
[15] Garland, Charles., and Klein, Herbert
S. "The Allotment of Space for
Slaves aboard Eighteenth- Century
British Slave Ships." The
William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, Vol. 42, No. 2 (Apr., 1985), p. 247.
[16]
Garland & Klein 248
[17] Rediker, Marcus. The Slave Ship. New York: Penguin Group, 2008. Kindle Edition. loc. 812.
[18]
Rediker loc. 266
