Short Essay Three

            The works of Bolster and McKnight & Garofalo both discuss the capacity of Africans to utilize the tools at their disposal in order to seek improvements in their lives.  The paths of both the African Latinos, and the African Americans seemed impossibly difficult, yet it was the skills of the few that opened up new possibilities in a world of conflict.  The African Americans differed from the African Latinos mainly due to the opportunity presented to them at certain times.  The African Americans were part of a booming maritime culture, which opened up a new avenue for them to pursue happiness.  The African Latinos however, seemed to be a product of their environment, and gained only limited mobility through situational interactions with colonial authority.  In other words, African Americans had a chance to completely change their fortune, while African Latinos only had the capability to improve theirs.  Ultimately, the cultural success of African Seafarers led to a potential threat of a growing egalitarian atmosphere with their white counterparts, which led to the eventual decline of African involvement in the maritime economy.

            Bolster makes the case that African American sailors and seamen were Americans first, and African "creoles" second.  I entirely agree with Bolster, and the War of 1812 proved this patriotism whole heartedly.  Sailors captured by the British were either impressed into the Navy, or sent off to Dartmoor prison.  Bolster claims that "more black than white American sailors opted for prison rather than service against the United States..." and that "no black man who routinely associated with white Americans wished to be branded a traitor."  (Bolster, 115)  The economic opportunities working in the maritime field provided African Americans with the means to attain certain levels of freedom (if not entirely free), a chance to support a family, and most importantly, a feeling of self-worth.  Although the country constantly threw hurdles at African Americans throughout their involvement in seafaring, they maintained their association as an American citizen, especially during a time of war.  The notion of identifying themselves as an American, grew out of the gradual "Americanization" process undertaken by the African sailors fortunate enough to find mobility through maritime occupations. 

            Bolster argues about this African "Americanism" throughout Black Jacks successfully.  In comparison to the African Latinos in Afro-Latino Voices, African Americans' displayed behavior can be considered extremely different.  Many of the documents in McKnight & Garofalo emphasize African Latinos fight for improving their situation, or securing it.  For example, The confraternity in Rio de Janeiro is prioritized with their African brothers helping each other out through whatever assistance may be needed (funeral arrangements, money for freedom, etc.).  Certain Africans in America were not motivated through cultural similarities and brotherhood, but by the economic freedom that individual hard work as sailors brought them.  Those seamen who were enslaved were even able to experience the freedoms that marine life provided, "including considerable amounts of time without white supervision; substantial freedom of movement; and an independent income from perquisites and petty trading."  (Bolster, 135)  Aside from marginal economic gains, the African sailors in America behaved in a way that propelled racial advancement to levels never before seen. 

            Afro-Latinos were able to negotiate with Spanish authority in regards to specific situations that arose about freedom, like those at El Cobre or the community at Esmeraldas.  However, once the African Americans tasted the freedom sailing offered them, they were able to spread the word about an assumption of rights throughout the country  (Bolster, 149).  This assumption of rights developed through their  maritime experience, which revealed to Africans that they should be on equal terms with whites.  Instead of writing to colonial authority, a black nationalist in America named David Walker published Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World  (Bolster, 197).  This work circulated, and was an extremely radical revolutionary publication, making clear the self accomplishment and equality that Africans knew they deserved.  This writing, and along with other economic factors, led to laws being passed against Africans in America to limit or stop their racial advancements attained through their seafaring adventures.  The most defining difference between the displayed behavior of African Latinos, and African Americans is seen through their scope of acquiring change.  One is local, while the other is global.   

             The passing of the Negro Seamen Acts and changes in how sailors were employed, led to the decline of African American's important role as sailors.  However, it was too late, African "Americanism" grew through the experiences of most of the free black sailors, who then spread concepts of freedom wherever they travelled.    

Bolster, W. J. (1997). Black Jacks. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Short Essay Two

            When it comes to the legacy of African culture in the New World, Thornton's argument about its transmission finds both support and contradiction within documents contained in the text, Afro-Latino Voices.  Two situations come to mind where Africans had, in a sense, abandoned their old culture in order to uphold a new one to adapt to their new environment to an advantage.  The shipwreck community at Esmeraldas and the mining community at El Cobre, were able to adapt to the colonial authority's culture over time and when conflict eventually ensued, they were able to enter negotiations with Spain.  Had those two communities adhered to Thornton's argument that Africans (especially maroon communities), that were self-sustaining, re-established African culture in the New World, they may not have been on the same 'cultural playing field' as the Spanish.  However, the brotherhood in Rio de Janeiro fully supports Thornton's argument about the cultural organizations that were established in order to help out one another and also maintain their cultural identity.

            Thornton argues that when maroon communities, or the rare occasion of shipwreck communities establish themselves, that Africans would "look to the social institutions of their homeland for reconstructing their society." (Thornton, 290) Although this may be true that some of those communities did revert to the old world, the case of Esmeraldas demonstrates a shipwreck community that was able to "involve themselves in dynamic relationships with their environment, native societies, and colonial authorities, and that their social order developed mainly out of contingencies largely beyond their control." (McKnight and Garofalo, 30)  There came a time when Spain was deciding to conquer the area, and Illescas wrote a letter to the King indicating the community's "desire and willingness to join in union with the Church and the Royal Crown."  (McKnight and Garofalo, 35)  Illescas also made clear that, given the opportunity, he could solve Spain's problem peacefully while at the same time spread Christianity to the natives.  Illescas was "well-versed in Spanish language, customs, and culture"  (McKnight and Garofalo, 32)  and if he had not written to the Crown, he may not have attained such a diplomatic victory for the Maroon community at Esmeraldas.  This community proved that sharing the colonial culture allowed Africans to negotiate successfully with the high authority, whereas maintaining their original African culture may have hindered their achievement. 

            The situation at El Cobre offers another example of a self sustaining slave community that grew to eventually see themselves as "vassals of His Majesty at their own cost and expense."  (McKnight and Garofalo, 137)  Once the Crown took this mining community as their own, these royal slaves were not only able to petition about a problem that eventually arose with the heirs of the mine and mistreatment, but also able to send one of their own to Spain (Osorio), who claimed to speak with the King himself.  The community at El Cobre made clear of their cultural ties in their letters, specifically mentioning religious and military obligations to Spain.  The circumstance at El Cobre offers a counter-argument to Thornton's notion that self-sustaining slave communities and families transmitted their African culture to new generations.  He states that "some owners allowed slaves to build a community and encouraged family formation,"  (Thornton, 169) and in turn would be able to maintain their culture.  It is interesting to note, that a "free" community that was self-reliant, still developed ties to a Spanish cultural identity, such as that at El Cobre.  This adaptation into a new culture allowed them to communicate with Spain in a liberal sense, in order to discuss problems they were having in their community. 

            Thornton mentions national organizations that "preserved African culture and political ideas."  (Thornton, 303)  The Confraternity of Saints Elesbão and Iphigenia in Rio de Janeiro is a prime example of one such organization.  This particular confraternity is a prime example that the formation of these groups even adhered to the regional cultural differences that existed in Africa.   The organizations were ethnically divided so much so that "Different nations distinguished themselves with different clothing, hairstyles, and even scarification, and, in many cases, they would retain the language, foods, and devotional practices of their remembered homelands."  (McKnight and Garofalo, 240)  Most importantly, the specific example of the Confraternity in Rio de Janeiro offers insight into the precise reasons these organizations formed.  Some of the various charitable services they offered include; financial help for the sick, collections to assist in buying freedom for slaves, and assistance in funeral arrangements (McKnight and Garofalo, 259-263). 

            Afro-Latino Voices contains documents that both support and offer contradictions to Thornton's argument about the transmission of African culture to the New World.  Some of the cases are rare, however they provide interesting comparative material to Thornton's idea of the legacy of African culture. 

McKnight, K. J., & Garofalo, L. J. (2009). Afro-Latino Voices. Indianapolis : Hackett Publishing Company, Inc.

Thornton, J. (1998). Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

               

           

Short Essay One - Thornton

           

            The idea that African culture was able to maintain itself and then continue to thrive in a new environment given all of the hardships that it had to overcome is a difficult one to grasp.  However, John Thornton's Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1800 tackles the theory with ample evidence that many aspects of the African culture not only survived the arduous journey, but was able to adapt to its new surroundings. 

            Thornton's idea of African culture within Africa revolves around a people of cultural diversity that were completely self sustaining prior to European contact.  There was a complex structure inside of Africa that was the home to many diverse groups of people who each possessed unique cultural traits.  Language was so diverse in Africa, that a lingua franca was developed (Mandinga and Yoruba for example) to be able to communicate when interacting cross culturally (Thornton, 188-190).  Religious culture was vibrant with the concept of interpreting revelations through various means, yet was unique with the practices of augury or divination (235-238).  Politically, Africa was diverse with an adherence to a hierarchy with kings or rulers, where war and the concept of slavery was prevalent.  Thornton mentions that kinship and family structure details are fairly uncertain, but matrilineal and bilateral systems were used within the elite classes (Thornton, 207).  The material world in Africa (clothing, hair styles, tools, weaponry, musical instruments...etc) added to the unique flare within the African culture.  Thornton argues that the African culture not only survived the extrication from Africa, but was transmitted, adapted, and maintained in the New World, developing into a more homogenous culture compared to the more diverse African background (Thornton, 206). 

            Thornton suggests that the African culture was maintained in the New World through the idea that the Africans already had experience with intercommunication and cross-cultural contact back in Africa's diverse regional zones (Thornton, 204).  Thornton points out several reason that African culture was able to be maintained: national blocs, intermarriage, visiting each other, similar shipping patterns of slave ships, funeral gatherings, and work interactions (Thornton, 201-202, 228).  African culture was easier to maintain in certain environments, especially those where the owners would promote small self sustaining communities, or in the case of the French Caribbean, the system of labor dubbed, the "Fernambuco system" (Thornton, 174, 196). 

            African culture needed to adapt itself to the changing environment and situation.  A new lingua franca developed as communication in the new world was necessary (Thornton, 212).  Religion was able to undergo a form of Syncretism where it was seen fit as the revelation ideology found similarities in Christianity and an African Christianity developed (Thornton, 235).  Political mock offices were established in some situations, allowing some form of hierarchy to maintain itself (Thornton, 202).  The most important factor in the transmission of African culture to the New World, was the slaves' particular situation into what was "allowed." 

            According to Thornton, there were several commonalities and differences between the culture in Africa and the new Afro-American culture that emerged in the New World.  An important common aspect was the establishment of a lingua franca to be able to intercommunicate.  Africa's diverse linguistic heritage necessitating a lingua franca for cross-cultural contact paved the way for similarities in forming a new Creole language for communication in the New World.  Religion was a more complicated matter, but nonetheless a new  cosmology termed the "Afro-American Sacred Cosmos" developed in the New World (Thornton, 263).  Interestingly, Thornton mentions the reestablishment of an African military culture that was necessary to develop among runaways that formed their own villages.  These villages needed military defense, and slaves who were former warriors provided it (Thornton, 293).  Although the mock political offices that were developed to maintain a sense of African hierarchy were established in the New World, they did not carry over the same power as they once had on the African continent. 

            Thornton argues that African culture survived into the New World and was able to maintain and adapt itself given its certain situation.  Runaway villages had the most freedom, yet had to concern themselves over defense.  Some slave conditions allowed for free time with varying conditions, giving them the opportunity to converse and congregate with each other allowing preservation of culture.  If the original African culture was not as diverse as it had been, who knows if the transmission and updating would have been as successful.